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POLISH JEWS UNDER SOVIET OCCUPATION

ROAD TO GENOCIDE—SITUATION OF THE JEWS IN THE FIRST YEARS OF THE WAR (1939‒1941)

ROAD TO GENOCIDE—SITUATION OF THE JEWS IN THE FIRST YEARS OF THE WAR (1939‒1941)

POLISH JEWS UNDER SOVIET OCCUPATION

On 17 September 1939, the Red Army (USSR) entered Poland and occupied the country’s eastern borderlands (Kresy), including the provinces (voivodeships) of Wilno (Vilnius), Nowogródek, Polesie, Wołyń (Volhynia), Tarnopol, Stanisławów and part of the province of Lwów (Lviv). To understand the situation of the Jews under Soviet occupation, one first needs to take into account various factors peculiar to these territories, such as the region’s national diversity (before World War Two, these territories were inhabited by Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, Belarusians and Lithuanians), political, cultural and social structures, as well as its historical developments since Poland regained independence after the First World War.


During the Soviet occupation, the Jewish population in this region rose considerably on account of Jews fleeing from German repressions in the German-occupied regions of western and central Poland. Towards the end of 1939, the number of Jews in the eastern borderlands (Kresy) rose to over 1.5 million (whereas before the war it was around 1 million).

Rafał Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta. Polska konspiracja na Kresach Wschodnich II Rzeczypospolitej (wrzesień 1939 – czerwiec 1941), Warsaw 2007.


In the initial period of the occupation, immediately following the Red Army invasion of the eastern borderlands, the Soviet authorities started recruiting locals to a new (provisional) administration, and in doing so showed clear favouritism towards the national minorities. For Ukrainians, Belarusians or Jews living in these areas this meant rapid, though basically nominal, social advancement. Some of them greeted the Red Army with sympathy. Soviet propaganda presented the invasion as a measure to bring ‘freedom, equality and justice to the national minority masses oppressed by the Polish Sanacja regime.’ Some Jews, who before the war had been active in the communist movement, openly supported the new communist authorities. However, it should be remembered that the attitude of the Jews was diverse and conditioned by factors, such as, financial status, political views and education. Many Jews, especially orthodox ones, feared Soviet ideological hostility towards religion. Others were apprehensive, remembering the pogroms inspired by the tsarist government or the more recent Stalinist purges and political murders, which also affected many Jews. Moreover, there was fear that property would be confiscated.


From the outset, the Soviet authorities were hostile towards ‘class enemies’, like intelligentsia, priests, owners of estates, workplaces or factories, state officials (including railway workers, foresters and policemen), regardless of nationality or religious beliefs. In the eastern borderlands the largest group of people considered as ‘class enemy’ were primarily better educated or wealthy Poles, but also Jews. They were the major victims of Soviet repressions and violence. Polish state property and larger private estates were confiscated by the Soviet state. Soon followed a wave of detentions of members of the Polish intelligentsia accused of organising and supporting unground resistance against the Soviet Union.


In face of the repressions imposed on Poles in the eastern borderlands, the initial support for the Soviet occupation regime by some of the Jews considerably contributed to increase of anti-Semitism, already rooted in the żydokomuna (commie-Jew) stereotype, and helped to spread the false conviction that nearly all Jews collaborated with the Soviet occupant.


In order to ‘legalise’ their seizure of eastern Poland, the Soviet authorities organised the People’s Assemblies of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine and subsequently the newly elected assembly members formally request the Soviet government permission for their countries to join the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which naturally soon happened. This opened the way to change the laws and nationalise Polish state and private property leading effectively to further repressions against the inhabitants. The worst of ones were forced deportations deep into the Soviet interior. According to estimates, of the Polish citizens forcibly deported to the Soviet interior in the years 1939‒1941 around 52 per cent were Poles, but 30 per cent were also Jews, whereas the remaining were Belarusians and Ukrainians. This means that the percentage of deported Jews considerably exceeded their percentage as pre-war inhabitants of the eastern borderlands (Kresy). This contradicts the opinion that the Soviet authorities treated Jews better than Poles. Also, worth mentioning is the fate of Polish prisoners of war, the officers and NCOs murdered by NKVD in places like Katyń, because among them there were also many Polish soldiers of Jewish descent.


As at the beginning of 1940 the communist authorities started forcing inhabitants to accept Soviet citizenship, some Jews applied to be allowed to return to the General Government. As they returned to German-occupied Poland, they were soon placed in ghettos and eventually murdered in extermination camps. Those who remained in the Soviet-occupied territories lived in relative safety up until the German invasion of the USSR in June 1941. The German attacking forces were followed by special Einsatzgruppen units, assigned the task of murdering the Jewish inhabitants of the newly conquered territories. Most of the Jews deported to the Soviet interior survived the war.

A report, 9 October 1939, regarding the situation in western Belarus and the Białystok region in particular, which includes the following pieces of information obtained from arrested persons during interrogations:

Arrested Zilbersztejn Ejna [Zilberstein Eina]…, merchant and member of a Zionist organisation, during the interrogation stated that he had joined the Zionist organisation in 1934, and that in 1935 he was elected chairman of the Zionist organisation in the town of Sokoły, Łomża county, and held this post until 1939.

In his testimony, Zilbersztejn mentioned the names of 16 active members of the committee and organisation, most of whom are merchants and traders in the town of Sokoły.

Witnesses to this issue.., have testified that the Zionist organisation led by Zilbersztejn has conducted extensive propaganda against the communists.

Source: Zachodnia Białoruś 17 IX 1939–22 VI 1941 r. Wydarzenia i losy ludzkie. Rok 1939, vol. 1, Warsaw 1998; “Meldunek operacyjny nr 43”, 9 October 1939, doc. No. 37, pp. 181‒182.

In another report, 12 October 1939, we read:

Our agents have revealed that in Łomża there exists a petit bourgeois Jewish organisation called ‘Poalej Syjon Lewica’ [Poale Zion Left], which has set itself the goal of fighting the communist movement and creating for the Jewish nation an independent Jewish bourgeois republic in Palestine. … this organisation is headed … by a committee comprising seven members… [and] the whole organisation includes 75 people.

Source: Zachodnia Białoruś 17 IX 1939–22 VI 1941 r. Wydarzenia i losy ludzkie. Rok 1939, vol. 1, Warsaw 1998; “Meldunek operacyjny nr 44”, 12 October 1939, doc. No. 38, p. 190.

Questions to the text:

  • What political organisations did the arrested Jews represent and what were their social backgrounds? What were they accused of?

Account of Anna Merdinger, Polish Jew, born in Lvov in 1921:

When the Russians came, we were the bourgeoisie. We had to leave Lwów [Lviv], because of paragraph 11, to live in the province. And later they deported people to Siberia. So someone in the family had to work. They took everything. First the land and house. Even the house in which we lived. We had to sign that we are giving it back, that it no longer belongs to us. That you have taken nothing. It did not belong to you. Nothing any longer was ours. They took everything. All we had was expropriated. When they came, it was a tragic sight. People fainted in the street. I will never forget when one of the soldiers left the column and wanted to give a lady some water, because she had fainted. They had been marching for three days. They had come from the front. It was September. Those sagging caps, terribly dirty. Columns and tanks passed. The ground shook beneath them. It made a horrible impression on us. First there were the rapes, the looting. On their arms they wore five watches each. The women were going about the town in evening dresses, like for the opera. They had never seen anything like it before. Poland seemed like Paris when they came. Within three months there was nothing, only queues. There was no more bread, flour or sugar. Everything was shipped to Russia. As they live in Russia now, that’s how we lived. Ration cards for everything and the black market for everything else.

Source: USC Shoah Foundation collection (©2012 USC Shoah Institute)

Account of Rywek Żytnik, Polish Jew, born in Bukowa (near Chełm) in 1928:

There were no Poles, no Germans, nor anyone, there was no authority. The Russians entered. I was playing in the street and I saw the first ones enter. When they entered, our Polish Jews, youths from Solina, Bejtarim and Chalucim were favourable towards ‘the reds’ (as they called them). They dreamed of socialism. And when the Russians came, it was such great fun, they treated people with cigarettes, those Russians. And they made some of them policemen. This was for a short while, because the Russians next withdrew to Chełm and Lublin. They met the Germans. They say they fought with them a bit, and then they agreed that the Russians would withdraw to the river Bug and the Germans would move in. When the Russians withdrew, then one of the soldiers, a lieutenant, came and said that the Germans would come and they would kill the Jews. Who wants to, can come with us. And my father and mother, and all my brothers, we took the cart and rode to the river Bug, and that was where the border was. From 1940 to 1941, when we lived in the voivodeship [province] of Tarnopol in western Ukraine, the Russians played a trick, so to say. They came round and asked if anyone wanted to return home, to the German side, because that’s where the Germans were. Many signed on, saying they wanted to go back. One day in spring 1941, before the Germans attacked Russia, because that happened in July, at around 4 in the morning the KGB [NKVD] came to us. They pulled us out of bed, and drove us to the station. We didn’t know why and what for. There was this older KGB [NKVD] functionary who was walking about with this list. My brother went up to him and asked: You want to take us, why? But we’re not enrolled. He looked at his list, and indeed our surname was not on it. He ordered us to return home. The other people were locked up in cattle trucks and shipped off to Siberia. And it was our misfortune that they didn’t deport us to Siberia, because we were not on that list. Because those who went to Siberia, of course many died of hunger and cold, but most of them returned.

Źródło: Zbiory USC Shoah Foundation (©2012 USC Shoah Institute)

Exercises:

  • What was the attitude of Henryk Vogler and Rywek Żytnik towards Red Army troops entering the eastern (Kresy) borderlands of Poland?
  • What do survivors say about the attitude of other Jews to the Soviets?
  • Consider why Rywek Żytnik said in his account: ‘it was our misfortune that they didn’t deport us to Siberia.’